Ethnonationalism and the Pessimistic Perspective

Here is an article by self-described counterrevolutionary Matthew Dunnyveg in response to Kirkpatrick's pessimism of the long-term prospects of ethnonationalism. He suggests that perhaps we shouldn't be so pessimistic about its prospects after all? An interesting opinion here by a critic of liberalism. 

--by Matthew Dunnyveg
Vdare's James Kirkpatrick is always worth reading, even when I think he is wrong. This article is a case in point:
It is definitely true that we postmodern untouchables are divided on institutions. Some of us, including me, want to take our own "long march" to reclaim our culture and institutions while others think the whole edifice is so rotten and irredeemably corrupt that we need to start over. Right now, this is of little consequence until we deal with the most urgent issues that are destroying us, and I think most Americans instinctively realize this. What I see is that most of us are willing to set aside our minor disagreements to work in favor of the major issues we agree on, particularly the unholy liberal trinity of open borders, free trade, and Political Correctness.
If Kirkpatrick were to spend some time among average Americans and other ethnonationalists, he would understand that while we're not formally organized, every day I see more evidence of us being willing to work together, though this is something we will continue to struggle with. We elected Trump. Is there really a reason why we can't continue to demand, and elect, good non-liberal leaders? My impression is that most American voters could sooner pass a kidney stone without realizing it than unwittingly elect liberals again. Ask the Bush clan. We are proud of what we have accomplished, even if much remains to be done. Together we have "primaried out" the worst Republicans and replaced them with candidates at least willing to pay lip service to the things we demand.
I see advantages in not having lots of formal organization; we postmodern untouchables are much harder to track and damage this way. Rather than being big, choice targets for liberal hatreds, we blend into the woodwork. This is actually the same situation we found in Afghanistan in the wake of 9/11; there was little for the US to destroy. All the US is able to do is to take out jihadist ringleaders, who are immediately replaced, and business goes on as usual. There are few major targets to be taken out. This is what liberals are doing to us postmodern untouchables when they drive us underground. Liberals make it all but impossible for them to track or monitor our organizations; there is no there there.
This fact in part explains liberal hysterics and paranoia. The first reaction of intolerant liberals is to destroy anything they don't like through legal action, particularly lots and lots of lawsuits; this is how the $outhern Poverty Law Center made its name. The problem for groups like the $PLC in particular, and liberals in general, is that we have been driven underground. We're still here, but it gets harder and harder for liberals to know what we are up to when they have to monitor tens of millions of individuals rather than a handful of organizations.
The situation liberals have created is unique in the annals of modern history. Because liberals have denied ethnonationalist groups good leaders, we now have a situation liberals, and others on the left, tell us they have been dreaming about since the French Revolution: A real leaderless, grassroots revolution from the bottom up. Now that the left finally has their revolution--or, more properly, a counterrevolution--the left is horrified.
Even if Kirkpatrick is right to be pessimistic about the long-term prospects for ethnonationalist movements, the fact is that postmodern liberalism is dying even if we do nothing. The problem with doing nothing is that we will lose any say in what comes next. Liberalism is famous for reinventing itself in different forms after self-inflicted crises, such as 1848, the world wars, or the Great Depression. We need to work together to finish the job and drive the proverbial wooden stake through the heart of liberalism. It's up to us whether we continue to cede control over our lives to the liberals that want to destroy us, or whether we claim our role as masters of our own destinies. If we choose the latter, there is no stopping us.
We have two things working in our favor: We have rational and moral truth on our side, and we have each other. That's all we need. We too shall overcome.

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